By Akira Iriye, Warren I. Cohen
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Additional info for American, Chinese, and Japanese perspectives on wartime Asia, 1931-1949
23 Roosevelt had little time in the mid-1930s to dwell on China. There may have been a warm spot in his heart for China, but there is not a shred of evidence that this ever affected policy. On the contrary, he referred explicitly to the need for the Chinese to fend for themselves when American policies affected them adversely. He was not paternalistic toward the Chinese nor did he put the United States forward as China's champion. 24 In general, Roosevelt relied on his own judgment and a few trusted friends for foreign policy decisions.
Stimson was playing a weak hand, and Hoover and Castle quickly clarified the situation. By May, Hoover was acting with one eye to the November election. He had never been willing to use force or economic sanctions, which he believed would result in war. He was uncomfortable with Stimson's bluff, and in May, while Stimson was abroad, he authorized Castle to explicitly assure the American people and the Japanese that the United States would back the Hoover-Stimson Doctrine with nothing more than the moral force of public opinion.
CHIHIRO HOSOYA, the dean of diplomatic historians in Japan, currently teaches at the International University of Japan. His numerous books include Siberia shuppei no shiteki kenkyu (A historical study of the Siberian expedition) (Tokyo, 1957) and San Francisco kowa e no michi (The road to the San Francisco peace conference) (Tokyo, 1984). AKIRA IRIYE, professor of history at the University of Chicago (through 1989) and now at Harvard University, writes about American-Asian political and cultural relations.
American, Chinese, and Japanese perspectives on wartime Asia, 1931-1949 by Akira Iriye, Warren I. Cohen